Translation of Published Article

One Year after the Tragic Events in Novi Sad and the Protests in Serbia: Achievements, Failures and Expectations

Author: Dr Svetluša Surová (Minority Issues Research Institute- MIRI)

Originally published in the Slovak magazine .týždeň on 27 November 2025

"Translated and republished with the permission of the publisher. Translated by Martin Smolinský, MS TRANS SERVICES s.r.o."

Suggested Citation: Svetluša Surová, "One Year after the Tragic Events in Novi Sad and the Protests in Serbia: Achievements, Failures and Expectations," Minority Issues Research Institute, December 29, 2025, https://www.miri.international/post/one-year-after-the-tragic-events-in-novi-sad-and-the-protests-in-serbia

On 1 November, one year had passed since the tragic event in Novi Sad, when sixteen people lost their lives after the roof of the city’s railway station collapsed. After attacks on students and professors organizing commemorative gatherings for the victims of the tragedy, individual university faculties entered so-called blockades. Secondary schools followed, and protest activities soon expanded to include ordinary citizens. Students, together with engaged citizens, managed to organize long-term protest actions of various kinds across the country.

Original article in the Slovak language was published in the Slovak magazine .týždeň on 27 November 2025

From the very beginning, protesting students and citizens were exposed to attacks, but violence escalated during the summer of this year. Large-scale arrests of protesters took place, alongside increasingly organized assaults against them, while the police were misused to protect these violent groups, which very often consisted of supporters of the ruling political party.

For a long time, reactions from European Union (EU) institutions or individual Member States to these developments were restrained or entirely absent, with the exception of condemnatory statements by certain political groups in the European Parliament. Reporters Without Borders also repeatedly warned about violence against media representatives reporting on the protests.

Only shortly before the anniversary of the tragedy, and immediately afterwards, did critical voices emerge from EU institutions regarding the violence linked to the protests and the overall situation in Serbia.

This article summarizes why students are protesting, what they — together with citizens — have managed to achieve, where failures have occurred, and what expectations exist regarding the outcome of the anti-government protests.

What the students are demanding

The students’ initial demands — for the publication of all documentation related to the reconstruction of the Novi Sad railway station, the identification and possible prosecution of those who attacked students, the withdrawal and suspension of criminal charges against students arrested and detained during protests, and increased funding for public universities — were later expanded.

Students called for an investigation into the events of 15 March 2025, when an alleged sonic weapon was reportedly used against peacefully protesting citizens in Belgrade. They also demanded the protection of patients during the visit of the Serbian President, the outgoing Minister of Health, and their press team to severely injured patients from the fire in North Macedonia who were being treated in intensive care. The students’ demands culminated in May 2025 with a call for the dissolution of parliament and the announcement of snap parliamentary elections.

According to the students, none of their demands has been fully met — but that does not mean they have achieved little. Let us therefore examine what the students have managed to accomplish during the past year of civil disobedience.

Students have awakened citizens from lethargy

Student blockades and protests quickly gained broad support across Serbian society. Numerous educational and cultural institutions, as well as professional associations and well-known public figures, openly supported the students’ protests. Many citizens actively joined demonstrations and protest actions.

Precise data on the total number of protest events and participants since the collapse of the canopy in Novi Sad are not available. However, the Archive of Public Gatherings (APG) collected data from 516 cities and municipalities where, according to its records, at least one form of protest took place by July of this year.

In addition, record numbers of participants were reached, surpassing any protests since the 1990s. According to APG estimates, the largest gathering took place on 15 March in Belgrade, with approximately 275,000 to 325,000 participants, while around 140,000 people attended the protest at Slavija Square in June during a minute of silence commemorating the victims of the Novi Sad tragedy. These are estimates — exact figures are unknown — but APG’s methodology is considered reliable and does not systematically overestimate or underestimate participation.

Student protests and demands enjoy the majority of public support

According to a survey conducted by CRTA (Centre for Research, Transparency and Accountability) in February, a majority of the public supported the students’ demands and protests.

Approximately 80% of respondents supported most of the students’ demands, while 64% supported or mostly supported the protests themselves. Furthermore, 33% of respondents reported having participated in at least one protest in Serbia during the previous three months. When asked whom they trusted more, 46% said they trusted the students, 21% trusted President Vučić, 12% trusted both equally, and the remaining 21% trusted neither or did not know.

Minorities also support the protests

Members of various minorities have also participated in the protests, including members of the Slovak national minority and students from Novi Pazar, a city predominantly inhabited by members of the Bosniak minority. However, two serious incidents occurred during the summer: first in Novi Pazar, where a group of masked individuals violently “unblocked” a public university, and later in Bački Petrovac during the Slovak National Festivities, where organizers of a photo exhibition documenting anti-government protests in predominantly Slovak-inhabited municipalities were attacked by a group of people supporting the Serbian Progressive Party and the regime.

Sexual minorities also expressed support for the protests, appearing at the Belgrade Pride march on 6 September with slogans echoing the student movement, including banners reading “Gays against the police state!”

The Minority Issues Research Institute (MIRI), where I serve as Director and Senior Researcher, organized two seminars in September focusing on anti-government protests in Serbia, their consequences, and challenges from a minority perspective — particularly that of the Slovak minority in Vojvodina — involving experts and civil activists. These seminars are available online. MIRI is also conducting its own research and data collection on this topic and preparing publications; for this reason, I will not elaborate further here.

Support for early parliamentary elections and a student list

Parliament has not yet been dissolved, nor have early parliamentary elections been called, despite demands from students and the opposition. At the beginning of August, President Vučić publicly stated that elections would certainly take place “before the constitutional and legal deadline”, without specifying when.

Although it remains unclear whether and when early elections will be held, a September CRTA survey showed that nearly two-thirds of respondents believe early elections would represent a way out of the crisis. Even one in three voters of the ruling party believes elections should take place. The announced student electoral list has not yet been published, but the survey recorded 44% support for the student list, compared to 32% support for the bloc led by Vučić.

Students and citizens have begun to use instruments of direct democracy

Student protests have no official leaders and function in a decentralized manner based on principles of direct democracy. All decisions are taken at plenary assemblies by a simple majority vote. The plenary is the main decision-making body regarding protest activities, and every participating student can directly express their opinion or submit proposals for voting. These sessions are not public.

Students have inspired and encouraged citizens to use instruments of direct democracy in protest activities. Within the anti-government protests, citizens began organizing themselves through councils or civic assemblies. Citizens’ assemblies are guaranteed both by the Constitution under freedom of assembly and by the Law on Local Self-Government. Although similar, these are legally distinct institutions, and it is not always clear which legal framework is being used. In any case, direct democracy is beneficial for society. However, both student plenaries and civic assemblies should be examined scientifically in terms of legality, openness, democratic quality, and transparency before any definitive assessment is made.

Unexpected victories and nominations for awards

Students and citizens also achieved several unexpected and significant victories. In January, then-Prime Minister Miloš Vučević and Novi Sad Mayor Milan Đurić — both members of the Serbian Progressive Party — resigned following an attack on students in Novi Sad carried out by assailants who emerged from the premises of a local party office. One of the attacked students suffered a broken jaw.

Although students did not explicitly demand their resignations, Prime Minister Vučević condemned the attack and stated that they bore objective responsibility for what had happened and therefore stepped down. Parliament confirmed the Prime Minister’s resignation only on 19 March, and a new government under Prime Minister Djura Macut was appointed in April.

Despite the political responsibility assumed by the Prime Minister and the Mayor of Novi Sad, President Vučić took a different stance, intervened in the process, and the attacked students did not receive a just resolution of their case.

President Vučić pardoned four perpetrators — activists of the Serbian Progressive Party — suspected of attacking students in Novi Sad. According to Serbian News Media, the Ministry of Justice submitted a pardon decision in July, exempting them from prosecution for several violent criminal offences.

In connection with the alleged use of illegal sonic weapons against peaceful demonstrators on 15 March — during the largest protest in the past year — several NGOs filed a request for interim measures with the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) on behalf of 47 citizens. The Court ordered the Republic of Serbia to refrain, until further notice, from using sound devices for crowd control.

This interim measure does not constitute a ruling on whether such weapons were actually used, nor does it prejudge the admissibility or merits of the case. Nevertheless, it is highly significant, as the ECtHR grants such measures only in exceptional cases involving an immediate risk of irreparable harm. The order also notes that the use of sound weapons for crowd control is illegal in Serbia and may have serious health consequences.

In response, the regime invited experts from the US FBI and Russia’s FSB to investigate the allegations. President Vučić subsequently stated that the Russian FSB concluded that no sonic weapon had been used during the protest.

Serbian students were nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize and shortlisted as finalists for the 2025 Sakharov Prize. Although they did not receive these awards, the nominations themselves represent recognition of their civic struggle. By contrast, the regime long avoided deserved criticism for injustices committed against protesting citizens.

EU institutions and representatives remained restrained or silent for a long time

For a prolonged period, EU institutions, senior officials of the European Commission and the Council, as well as EU Member States, were restrained or silent regarding the anti-government student and civic protests and the violence against them. Exceptions were political groups in the European Parliament — the Socialists & Democrats, the Greens, and Renew Europe — which openly supported Serbian students.

In January, public figures addressed an open letter to EU leaders, urging them to “support a free, democratic and European Serbia instead of Vučić’s regime”. One reason for this appeal was their belief that the regime could not survive without the EU’s “highly ambivalent and inconsistent policy towards Serbia”, including open support for Vučić’s government. This represented a direct critique of key European political actors who publicly support or tolerate Vučić’s actions, which are “in complete contradiction with fundamental European values”. The signatories stated that the emperor had no clothes — but it took time for the desired response to arrive.

Shortly before the anniversary of the tragedy, on 22 October 2025, the European Parliament adopted a Resolution on polarization and increased repression in Serbia one year after the Novi Sad tragedy. The resolution details problematic and unlawful activities related to the protests and issues urgent calls to Serbian authorities to take concrete measures. I analyze this resolution in detail in a separate article.

A few days ago, the European Commission published its Enlargement Report on Serbia, criticizing the country for lagging in democracy, fundamental rights, and media freedom. In relation to the protests, Serbian authorities are criticized for excessive use of force against demonstrators and pressure on civil society, negatively affecting freedom of expression and assembly. The report also highlights corruption, links between crime and politics, and insufficient results in criminal prosecutions.

Many achievements — but also several serious failures

Students managed to secure broad and long-term public support and to organize the largest protests since the 1990s. They also built support for early elections and their not-yet-published electoral list, actively used instruments of direct democracy, and reached the shortlist for the 2025 Sakharov Prize. They demonstrated courage, energy, and determination in opposing the government.

However, as the European Parliament resolution noted, despite the largely peaceful nature of the protests, several violent incidents occurred during the summer. Isolated cases of extremist, nationalist, pro-Russian and chauvinist rhetoric also appeared, drawing criticism domestically and internationally. It is essential to preserve the peaceful character of the protests and to refrain from verbal violence, hate speech and vulgar insults against political opponents, which dehumanize individuals — particularly members of minorities.

What has received insufficient attention is the absence of pro-European slogans or symbols, such as the EU flag, as well as other flags — including those of Ukraine or the LGBTQ+ community — at protest gatherings. The media reported that students officially requested that such flags not be displayed, allegedly because they divide protesters. While some flags did appear in limited numbers, there were documented cases of protesters being shouted down and asked to remove EU flags. This did not occur with Serbian nationalist symbols.

Serbia’s accession to the EU was not included among the students’ core demands. Although students cycled from Belgrade to Strasbourg to deliver a letter to EU institutions and raise awareness of the protests across Europe, EU membership was not among their demands. Nor did they call for the implementation of reforms required to open additional accession chapters, which have stalled. I consider this the greatest failure of student activism.

It is also disappointing that students reject EU flags at protests, yet accept the presence of war veterans, who even provide protection. While it is essential that no one attacks peaceful protesters, it is unacceptable that war veterans who fought in aggressive and illegal wars in the 1990s — in the former Yugoslav republics and in Kosovo against the Albanian population — are accepted as agents of positive change and celebrated as heroes.

One year on — what next?

The students’ demands remain unmet, and their struggle for justice, against corruption and for early elections continues. While most attention is focused on anticipating snap elections and whether a student list could defeat Vučić’s bloc, it would be appropriate to clearly articulate positions on neglected issues.

Students and their candidates — as well as protesting citizens and the war veterans protecting them — must clearly address key unaddressed questions in Serbian society. These unresolved issues divide and traumatize citizens and leave the Serbian state incomplete.

To move forward, we must first come to terms with the past

Anyone entering political competition and seeking voters’ support should explicitly declare their value positions on key domestic issues, foreign policy orientation and program priorities.

Agents of change should answer the following questions: What is their view on the wars of the 1990s involving Serbia and Serbian soldiers? What is their stance on atrocities, war crimes and the genocide in Srebrenica committed by Serbian citizens, soldiers and criminals? What is their position on ethnic violence against minorities in Vojvodina and Kosovo? On the concept of “Greater Serbia”? On Serbian nationalism? On human rights for all, especially minorities? On decentralization? On the separation of church and state? On Kosovo’s independence? On EU accession? On the war in Ukraine? On authoritarian regimes in Russia and China? Does Serbia belong to the West? In other words, is Serbia facing merely a change of government — or a change of regime? And if so, how?

About the author

Svetluša Surová is a political scientist, researcher, and specialist in the field of minority rights law. Her research focuses on minority rights, diaspora policies and the collective identities of Slovaks living in Serbia. She is the founder and president of the Minority Issues Research Institute (MIRI).

One Year after the Tragic Events in Novi Sad and the Protests in Serbia. Achievements Fail

Download ACHIEVEMENTS FAIL • 522KB

Link to the original article is here.